God-Inspired Scripture

B.B. Warfield

The phrase, "Given by inspiration of God," or "Inspired of God," occurs, as is well-known, but once in the New Testament--in the classical passage, to wit, II Tim. iii. 16, which is rendered in the Authorized Version, "All Scripture is given by inspiration of God," and by the Revised Version, "Every Scripture inspired of God is, etc." The Greek word represented by it, and standing in this passage as an epithet or predicate of "Scripture" "theopneustos" though occurring here only in the New Testament and found nowhere earlier in all Greek literature, has nevertheless not hitherto seemed of doubtful interpretation. Its form, its subsequent usage, the implications of parallel terms and of the analogy of faith, have combined with the suggestions of the context to assign to it a meaning which has been constantly attributed to it from the first records of Christian interpretation until yesterday. This unvarying understanding of the word is thus reported by the leading lexicographers:
Schleusner "New Test. Lexicon." Glasgow reprint of fourth Leipzig edition, 1824:
'Theopneustos', 'ou', 'ho', 'he', afflatu divino actus, divino quodam spiritu afflatus, et partim de hominibus usurpatur, quorum sensus et sermones ad vim divinam referendi sunt, v.c. poetis, faticidis, prophetis, auguribus, qui etiam 'theodidaktoi' vocantur, partim de ipsis rebus, notionibus, sermonibus, et scriptis, a Deo suggestis, et divino instructu natis, ex 'theos' et 'pneo' spiro, quod, ut Latinum afflo, de diis speciatim usurpatur, quorum vi homines interdum ita agi existimabantur, ut notiones rerum, antea ignotarum, insolito quodam modo conciperent atque mente vehementius concitata in sermones sublimiores et elegantiores erumperent. Conf. Cic. pro Archia c. 14; Virgil. Aen. iii, 358, vi, 50. In N. T. semel legitur II Tim. iii. 16, 'pasa graphe theopneustos' omnis Scriptura divinitus inspirata, seu, quae est originis divinae. coll. II Pet i. 21. Syrus.... scriptura, quae per spiritum scripta est. Conjunxit nempe actionem scribendi cum actione inspirandi. Apud Plutarchum T. ix. p. 583. ed. Reiske. 'Theospeustoi oneiroi' sunt somnia a diis immissa."

Robinson "Greek and English Lexicon of the New Testament," new ed., New York, 1872:
"'Theopneustos', 'ou', 'ho', 'he', adj. ('theos','pneo'), God- inspired, inbreathed of God, II Tim. iii. 16 'pasa graphe theopneustos.' --Plut. de Placit. Philosoph. 5. 2, 'tous oneirous tous theopneustous'. Phocylid. 121 'tes de theopneustou sophies logos estin aristos'. Comp. Jos. c. Ap. 1. 7 ['hai graphai'] 'ton propheton kata ten epipnoian ten apo tou theou mathonton'. Cic. pro Arch. 8, 'poetam ... quasi divino quodam spiritu inflari.'"

Thayer-Grimm "Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament," New York, 1887:
"'Theopneustos', --'on', ('theos' and 'pneo'), inspired by God: 'graphe', i.e. the contents of Scripture, II Tim. iii. 16 [see 'pas' I. 1 c.]; 'sophin', [pseudo-] Phocyl. 121; 'oneiroi', Plut. de plac. phil. 5, 2, 3 p. 904f.; [Orac. Sibyll. 5, 406 (cf. 308); Nonn. paraphr. ev. Ioan. 1, 99]. ('empneustos' also is used passively, but 'apneustos', 'eupneustos', 'puripneustos', ['dusdiapneustos'], actively [and 'dusanapneustos' appar. either act. or pass.; cf. W. 96 (92) note].)"

Cremer "Biblico-Theological Lexicon of New Testament Greek" ed. 2, E.T., Edinburgh, 1878:
"'Theopneustos', prompted by God, divinely inspired. II Tim. iii. 16, 'pasa graphe th'(?). In profane Greek it occurs only in Plut. de placit. philos. v. 2, 'ovieroi theopneustoi (kat anagken ginontai)', opposed to 'phusikoi'. The formation of the word cannot be traced to the use of 'pneo', but only of 'empneo'. Cf. Xen. Hell. vii. 4, 32, 'ten areten theos men empneusas'; Plat. Conv. 179 B, 'menos empneusai eniois ton heroon ton theon'; Hom. Il. xx. 110; Od. xix. 138. The simple verb is never used of divine action. How much the word corresponds with the Scriptural view is evident from II Pet. i. 21."

And the commentators generally will be found to speak no otherwise. The completeness of this lexical consent has recently, however, been broken, and that by no less an authority than Prof. Hermann Cremer himself, the second edition of whose great "Biblico-theological Lexicon" we have just adduced as in entire agreement with the current view. The date of issue of this edition, in its original German form, was 1872. The third edition was delayed until 1883. In the interval Dr. Cremer was called upon to write the article on "Inspiration " in the second edition of Herzog's "Realencyklopaedie" (Vol. iv, sub voc., pp. 746 seq.), which saw the light in 1880. In preparing this article he was led to take an entirely new view[2] of the meaning of 'theopneustos', according to which it defines Scripture, in II Tim. iii. 16, not according to its origin, but according to its effect--not as "inspired of God," but as "inspiring its readers." The statement of his new view was transferred to the third edition of his "Lexicon" (1883; E.T. as "Supplement," 1886) very much in the form in which it appears in Herzog; and it has retained its place in the "Lexicon," with practically no alteration, ever since.[3] As its expression in Herzog was the earliest, and therefore is historically the most important, and as the article in the "Lexicon" is easily accessible in both German and English, and moreover does not essentially differ from what is said in Herzog, we shall quote here Dr. Cremer's statement of the case in preference from Herzog. He says:

"In theological usage, Inspiration denotes especially the influence of the Holy Spirit in the origination of the sacred Scriptures, by means of which they become the expression to us of the will of God, or the Word of God. The term comes from the Vulgate, which renders II Tim. iii. 16 'pasa graphe theopneustos', by omnis Scriptura divinitus inspirita. Whether the meaning of the Greek term is conveyed by this is at least questionable. It clearly belongs only to Hellenistic and Christian Greek. The notion that it was used also in classical Greek of poets and seers (Huther in his Commentary) and to express what Cicero says in his pro Archia, p. 8, nemo vir magnus sine aliquo afflatu divino unquam fuit, is certainly wrong. For 'theopneustos' does not occur at all in classical Greek or in profane Greek as a whole. In the unique passage, Plutarch, de placit. phil., 5, 2 (Mor. 904, 2): 'tous oneirous tous theopneustous kat anagken ginesthai'. 'Tous de phusikous aneidolopoioumenes psuches to sumtheron aute ktl'., it is very probably to be ascribed to the copyist, and stands, as Wyttenbach conjectures, in the place of 'theopemptous'. Besides this it occurs in Pseudo- Phocylides, v. 121: 'tes de theopneustou sophies logos estin aristos'-- unless the whole line is, with Bernays, to be deleted as disturbing to the sense--as well as in the fifth book of the "Sibyllines," v. 308: 'Kume d he mora sun namasi tois theopneustois', and v. 406, 'Alla megan genetera theon panton theopneuston En thusiais egerairon kai hagias ekatombas'. The Psuedo-Phocylides was, however, a Hellenist, and the author of the fifth book of the "Sibyllines" was, most probably, an Egyptian Jew living in the time of Hadrian. On Christian ground we find it in II Tim. iii. 16, which is possibly the earliest written employment of it to which we can point. Wetstein, on this passage, adduces the sentence from the Vita Sabae 16 ( Cotelerii Monum.): 'ephthase te tou Chu chariti he panton theopneuston, panton christophoron autou sunodia mechri ho onomaton' as well as the designation of Marcus Eremita as 'o theopneustos aner' That the term has a passive meaning = 'gifted with God's Spirit,' 'divinely spirited,' (not 'inspired' as Ewald rightly distinguishes[4]) may be taken as indubitable from 'Sibyll.', v. 406 and the two passages last adduced. Nevertheless 'graphe theopneustos' does not seem easily capable of meaning 'inspired by God's Spirit' in the sense of the Vulgate; when connected with such conceptions as 'graphe' here, 'nama', 'fountain,' 'Sibyll.' v. 308, it would rather signify 'breathing a divine spirit,' in keeping with that ready transition of the passive into the active sense which we see in 'apneustos', 'eupneustos', 'ill- or well-breathed; = ' breathing ill or well.' Compare Nonnus, paraphr. ev Jo., i, 102: 'ou podos akrou andromeen palamen ouk axios eimi pelassas, lusai mounon himanta theopneustoio pedilou', with v. 129: 'baptizein apuroisi kai apneustoisi loetrois'. In harmony with this, it might be understood also in Phocyl. 121; the explanation, 'Wisdom gifted with the Divine Spirit,' at all events has in its favor the fact that 'theopneustos' is given the same sense as when it it connected with 'aner', 'anthropos'. Certainly a transition to the sense, 'breathed by God' = inspired by God' seems difficult to account for, and it would fit, without forcing, only Phocyl. 121, while in II Tim. iii. 16, on the assumption of this sense, there would be required a not altogether easy metonyme. The sense 'breathing God's Spirit' is moreover in keeping with the context, especially with the 'ophelimos pros didaskaliav ktl.' and the 'ta dunamena se sophisai', v. 15, as well as with the language employed elsewhere, e. g., in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where what the Scripture says is, as is well known, spoken of as saying, the word of the Holy Ghost. Cf. also Acts xxviii. 25. Origen also, in Hom. 21 in Jerem., seems so to understand it: sacra volumina Spiritus plenitudinem spirant. Let it be added that the expression 'breathed by God, inspired by God,' though an outgrowth of the Biblical idea, certainly, so far as it is referred to the prophecy which does not arise out of the human will (II Pet. i. 21), yet can scarcely be applied to the whole of the rest of the sacred Scriptures-- unless we are to find in II Tim. iii. 16 the expression of a conception of sacred Scripture similar to the Philonian. There is no doubt, however, that the Peshito understood it simply = 'inspired by God'--yet not differently than as in Matt. xxii. 43 we find: Dauid en pneumati lalei. It translates "etcatav cal catav ger cabodotah", 'for every Scripture which is written 'en pneumati''--certainly keeping prominently in the foreground the inspiration of the writer. Similarly the AEthiopic renders: 'And every Scripture is in the (by the) Spirit of the Lord and profits'; while the Arabic (deriving from the original text) reads: 'and every Scripture which is divinely of spiratio, divinam sapiens auram.' The rendering of the Peshito and the explanations of the Greek exegetes would certainly lend great weight to the divinitus inpirata, were not they explicable from the dominant idea of the time--for which, it was thought, a suitable term was found in II Tim. iii. 16, nowhere else used indeed and coined for the purpose--but which was itself more or less taken over from the Alexandrian Judaism, that is to say, from heathenism."

Here, we will perceive, is a carefully reasoned attempt to reverse the previous lexical consensus as to the meaning of this important word. We have not observed many traces of the influence of this new determination of its import. The present writer, after going over the ground under Prof. Cremer's guidance, too hastily adopted his conclusion in a paper of "Pauls's Doctrine of the Old Testament" published in The Presbyterian Quarterly for July, 1899; and an adverse critcism of Dr. Cremer's reasoning, from the pen of Prof. Dr. L. Schulze, of Rostock, appeared in the Theologisches Literaturblatt for May 22, 1896 (xvii. 21, pp. 253, 254), in the course of a review of the eighth edition of the "lexicon." But there has not met our eye as yet any really thorough reexamination of the whole matter, such as a restatement of it like Dr. Cremer's might have been expected to provoke. The case surely warrants and indeed demands it. Dr. Cremer's statement is more than a statement-- it is an argument; and his conclusion is revolutionary, not indeed as to doctrine--for that rests on a broader basis than a single text or an isolated word--but as to the meaning borne by an outstanding New Testament term. It would seem that there is, then, no apology needed for undertaking a somewhat minute examination of the facts in the case under the guidance of Dr. Cremer's very full and well-reasoned statement.

It may conduce, in the end, to clearness of presentation if we begin somewhat in medias res by raising the question of the width of the usage of the word. Is it broadly a Greek word, or distinctively a Hellenistic word, or even a purely Christian word? So far as appears from the usage as ascertained,[5] it would seem to be post-Christian. Whether we should also call it Christian, coined possibly by Paul and used only in Christian circles, depends, in the present state of our knowledge, on the determination of two rather nice questions. One of these concerns the genuineness of the reading 'theopneustous' in the tract on "The Opinions of Philosophers" (v, 2, 3), which has come doun to us among the works of Plutarch, as well as in its dependent document, the "History of Philosophy" (106), transmitted among the works of Galen. The other concerns the character, whether Jewish or Jewish-Christian, of certain portions of the fifth book of the "Sibylline Oracles" and of the "Poem of Admonition," once attributed to Phocylides but now long recognized to be the work of a late Alexandrian Jew,[6]--in both of which the word occurs. Dr. Cremer considers the reading to be false in the Plutarchian tract, and thinks the fifth book of the "Sybillines" and the Pseudo-Phocylidian poem Jewish in origin. He therefore pronounces the word a Hellenistic one. These decisions, however, can scarcely be looked upon as certain; and they will bear scrutiny, especially as they are accompanied with some incidental errors of statement. It would certainly require considerable boldness to decide with confidence upon the authorship of any given portion of the fifth book of the "Sibyllines." Friedlieb (who Dr. Cremer follows) and Badt ascribe the whole book to a Jewish, but Alexandre, Reuss and Dechent to a Christian author; while others parcel it out variously between the two classes of sources--the most assigning the sections containing the word in question, however, to a Jewish author (Bleck, Lucke, Gfrorrer; Ewald, Hilgenfeld; Schurer). Schurer pratically gives up in despair the problem of distributing the book to its several authors, and contents himself with saying that Jewish pieces preponderate and run in date from the first Christian century to Hadrian.[7] In these circumstances surely a certain amount of doubt may fairly be thought to rest on the Jewish or Christian origin of our word in the Sibylline text. On the other hand, there seems to be pretty good positive reason for supposing the Pseudo- Phocylidian poem to be in its entirety a Christian production. Its Jewish origin was still strenuously maintained by Bernays,[8] but its relation to the "Teaching of the Apostles" has caused the subject to be reopened, and we think has brought it to at least a probable settlement in favor of Scaliger's opinion that it is the work 'anonumon' Christiani."[9] In the face of this probability the brilliant and attractive, but not always entirely convincing conjectures by which Bernays removed some of the Christian traits from the text may now be neglected: and among them that by which he discarded the line containing our word. So far then as its occurrence in the fifth book of the "Sibyllines" and in Pseudo-Phocylides is concerned, no compelling reason appears why the word may not be considered a distinctiveley Christian one: though it must at the same time be recognized that the sections in the fifth "Sibyl" in which it occurs are more probably Jewish than Christian. With reference to the Plutarchian passage something more needs to be said. "In the unique passage, Plutarch de plac. phil. 5, 2 (904 F.):" 'Ton oneiron tous men theopneustous kat anagken ginesthai. Tous de phusikous aneidolopoiou menes psuches to sumpheron aute ktl.'" says Dr. Cremer, "it is with the greatest probability to be ascrived to the transcriber, in whose mind 'theopneustos' lay in the sense of the Vulgate rendering, divinitus inspirata, and it stands, as Wyttenbach conjectures, for 'theopemptous'." The remark concerning Wyttenbach is erroneous -- only one of a series of odd misstatements with have dogged the textual notes on this passage. Wyttenbach prints 'theoneustous' in his text and accompanies it with this textual note:[10] "'Theopemptous reposuit editor Lips. ut ex Gal. et Mosc. At in neutro haic reperio. Sane non est quare compilatori elegantias obtrudamus."'Theopemptous' is therefore not Wyttenbach's conjecture: Wyttenbach does not even accept it, and this has of late been made a reproach to him:[11] he ascribes it to "the Leipzig editor," that is to Christian Daniel Beck, whose edition of this tract was published at Leipzig, in 1787. But Wyttenbach even more gravely misquotes Beck than he has himself been misquoted by Dr. Cremer. For Beck, who prints in his text: 'ton oneiron tous men theopneustous', annotates as follows: "Olim: 'tous oneirous tous theopneustous --Reddidi textis elegantiorem lectionem, quae in M. et G. est. 'theopneustous' sapere Christianum librarium videtur pro 'theopemptous'."[12] That is to say, Wyttenbach has transferred Beck's note on 'ton oneirov tous men' to 'theopemptous'. It is this clause and not 'theopemptous' that Beck professes to have got out of the Moscow MS. and Galen: 'theopemptous' he presents merely as a pure conjecture founded on the one consideration that 'theopneustos' has a flavor of Christian scribe about it; and he does not venture to put 'theopemptous' into the text. The odd thing is that Hutten follows Wyttenbach in his misrepresentation of Beck, writing in his note: "Beck. dedit 'thopemptous' ut elegantiorem lectionem e Mosq. et Gal. sumptam. In neutro se hoc reperisse W. notat, addens, non esse quare compilatori elegantias obtrudamus. Cors. e Gas. notat 'ton oneiron tous men theopneustous'."[13] Corsini does indeed so report, his note running: "Paullo aliter" (i.e., from the ordinary text which he reprints from Stephens) "Galenus, 'ton oneiron tous men theopneustous', somniorum ea quidem quae divinitus inspirata sint, etc."[14] But this is exactly what Beck says, and nothing other, except that he adds that this form is also found in the Moscow MS. We must conclude that Hutten in looking at Beck's note was preoccupied with Wyttenbach's misreport of it. The upshot of the whole matter is that the reading 'theopemptous' was merely a conjecture of Beck's, founded solely on his notion that 'theopneustous' was a purely Christian term, and possessing no diplomatic basis whatsoever. Accordingly it has not found its way into the printed text of Plutarch: all editions, with one exception, down to and including those of Dubner-Dohner (Didot's "Bibliotheca") of 1856 and Bernardakis (Teubner's series) of 1893 read 'theopneustous'. A new face has been put on the matter, however, by the publication of 1879 of Diels' "Doxographi Graeci," in which the whole class of ancient literature to which Plutarch's "De plac. philos." belongs is subjected to a searching study, with a view to tracing the mutual relations of the several pieces and the sources from which they are constructed.[15] With this excursion into "higher criticism," into which there enters a highly speculative element, that, despite the scientific thoroughness and admirable acuteness which give the whole an unusually attractive aspect, leaves some doubts in the mind of the sober reader,[16] we have now happily little to do. Suffice it to say that Diels looks upon the Plutarchian tract as an epitome of a hypothetical Aetios, made about 150 A.D. and already used by Athenagoras (c. 177 A.D.):[17] and on the Galenic tract as in its later portion an excerpt from the Plutarchian tract, made about A.D. 500.[18] In the course of his work, he has framed a printed a careful recension of the text of both tracts,[19] and in both of them he reads at the place of interest to us, 'theopemptous'. Here for the first (and as yet only[21]) time 'theopemptous' makes its appearance in the text of what we may, in deference to Diels' findings and after the example of Gerke,[22] call, at least, the "[Pseudo?-] Plutarch."[23] The key to the situation, with Diels, lies in the reading of the Pseudo-Galen: for as an excerpt from the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch the Pseudo-Galen becomes a valuable witness to its text, and is treated in this case indeed as a determinative witness, inasmuch as the whole MS. transmission of [Psuedo?-] Plutarch, so far as known, reads here 'theopneustous'. Editing 'theopemptous' in Pseudo- Galen, Diels edits it also, on that sole documentary ground, in [Pseudo?- ] Plutarch. That we may form some estimate of the likelihood of the new reading, we must, therefore, form some estimate of its likelihood in the text of the Pseudo-Galen, as well as of the principles on which the text of the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch is to be framed. The editions of Pseudo-Galen -- including that of Kuhn[24] -- have hitherto read 'theopneustous' at our place, and from this we may possibly infer, that this is the reading of the common run of the MSS.[25] Diels constructs his text for this portion of the treatise from two kindred MSS. only, and records the readings of no others: as no variation is given upon our word, we may infer that thses two MSS. at least agree in reading 'theopemptous'. The former of them (Codex Laurentianus lxxiv, 3), of the twelfth of early thirteenth century, is described as transcribed "with incredible corruptness"; the latter (Codex Laurentianus lviii, 2), of the fifteenth century, as written more carefully; both represent a common very corrupt archetype.[26] This archetype is reconstructed from the consent of the two, and where they differ the preference is given to the former. The text thus framed is confessedly corrupt:[27] but though it must therefore be cautiously used, Diels considers it nevertheless a treasure house of the best readings for the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch.[28] Especially in the latter part of the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch, where the help of Eusebius and the other eclogoe fails, he thinks the case would often be desperate if we did not have the Pseudo- Galen. Three examples of the preservation of the right reading by it alone he hives us, one of them being our present passage, in which he follows, therefore, the reading of the Pseudo-Galen against the entire MS. transmission. Diels considers the whole MS. transmission of the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch to take us back to an archetype of about A.D. 1000, and selects from it three codices as nearest to the archetype,[29] viz., A = Codex Mosquensis 339 (nune 352) of saec. xi. or xii. (the same as the Mosq. quoted by Beck), collated by Matthaei and in places reexamined for Diels by Voelkelius;B = Codex Marcianus 521 [xcii, 7], of saec. xiv, very closely related to A, collated by Diels himself; and C = Codex Parisinus 1672 of saec. xiii. ex. vel. xin. in which is a copy of a corpus of Plutarch put together by Planudes or a contemporary. Through these three codices he reaches the original apograph which stands at the root of all the extant MSS., and from it, by the aid of the excerpts from the tract - - in our passage the Psuedo-Galen's only -- he attains his text. His note on our reading runs thus: "'Theopemptous' G cf. Arist. de divinat. 2p. 463b 13: 'theopneustous' (A) B C, cf. Prol. p. 15." The parenthesis in which A is enclosed means that A is here cited from the silence of Matthaei's collation.[30] The reference to the Prolegomena is to the passage already alluded to, in which the Galenic reading 'thepemptous' is cited as one of three chosen instances of excellent readings preserved by Galen alone. The note there runs thus: "alteri loco christiani librarii pius fraus nocuit. V. 2, 3, 'Hrophilos ton oneiron tous men thepneustous kat' anagken ginethai'. fuit scilicet 'theopemptous', quod sero intellectum est a Wyttenbachio in indice Plutarcheo. si Galenum inspexisset, ipsum illud 'theopemptous' inventurus erat. simili fraude versus 121 Phocylideis a Byzantinis insertus est, ubi vox illa sacra [II Tim. iii. 16] I. Bernaysio interpolationis originem manifesto aperuit." That is to say, the reading of the Pseudo-Galen is preferred to that of the MSS., because the reading 'theopneustous' explains itself as a pious fraud of a Christian scribe, giving a place in the text of Plutarch to "this sacred word"--another example of which procedure is to be found in Pseudo-Phoc. 121, extruded by Bernays from the text on this very ground. On this remark, as on a hinge, turns, it would seem, the decision of the whole question. The problem of the reading, indeed, may be set forth at this point in the from of this alternative: --Which is most likely,--that 'theopneustous' in the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch originated in the pious fraud of a Christian scribe? --or that 'theopemptous' in the text of Pseudo-Galen edited by Diels originated in the error of a careless scribe? When we posit the problem in this definite form we cannot feel at all certain that Diels' solution is the right one. There is an a priori unlikelihood in its way: deliberate corruption of texts is relatively rare and not to be assumed without good reason. The parallel from the Pseudo-Phocylikes fails, now that it seems probable that the whole poem is of Christian origin. There seems no motive for such a pious fraud as is charged: what gain could be had from intruding 'theopneustous' into the Plutarchian text? and what special sanctity attached to this word? And if a sacrosanct character be attributed to the word, could it not be equally plausibly argued that it was therefore offensive to the Christian consciousness in this heathen connection, and was accordingly replaced by the less sacred 'theopemptous', a word of heathen associations and indeed with a secondary sense not far from "extraordinary."[31] Or if it be now said that it is not intended to charge conscious fraud, it is pertinent to ask what special associations Christians had with the word 'theopneustous' in connection with dreams which would cause it to abtrude itself unconsciously in such a connection. One is almost equally at a loss to account for the intrusion of the word in the place of the simpler 'theopemptos', whether the intrusion be looked upon as deliberate or unconscious. On the other hand, the substitution of 'theopemptos' for 'theopneustos' in the text of Pseudo-Galen seems quite re
"Secundum istiusmodi expositiones decet sacras litteras credere nec unum quidem apicem habere vacuum sapientia Dei. Qui enim mihi homini praecipit dicens: Non apparebis ante conspectum meum vacuus, multo plus hoc ipse agit, ne aliquid vacuum loquatur. Ex plenitudine ejus accipientes prophetae, ea, quae erant de plenitudine sumpta, cecinerunt: et idcirco sacra volumina spiritus plenitudinem spirant, nihilque est sive in prophetia, sive in lege, sive in evangelio, sive in apostolo, quod non a plenitudine divinae majestatis descendat. Quamobrem spirant in scripturis sanctis hodieque plenitudinis verba. Spirant autem his, que habent et oculos ad videnda coelestia et aures ad audienda divina, et nares ad ea, quae sunt plenitudinis, sentienda (Origen, "in Jeremiam Homilia," xxi, 2. Wirceburg ed., 1785, ix, 733)."
Here Origen is writing quite freely: and his theme is the divine fullness of Scripture. There is nothing in Scripture which is vain or empty and all its fullness is derived from Him from whom it is dipped by the prophets. Contrast his manner, now, when he is expounding II Tim. iii. 16.
"Let us not be stupefied by hearing Scriptures which we do not understand; but let it be to us according to our faith, by which also we believe that every Scripture because it is theopneustic ('pasa graphe theopneustos ousa') is profitable. For you must needs admit one of two things regarding these Scriptures: either that they are not theopneustic since they are not profitable, as the unbeliever takes it; or, as a believer, you must admit that since they are theopneustic, they are profitable. It is to be admitted, of course, that the profit is often received by us unconsciously, just as often we are assigned certain food for the benefit of the eyes, and only after two or three days does the digestion of the food that was to benefit the eyes give us assurance by trial that the eyes are benefited.... So, then, believe also concerning the divine Scriptures, that thy sous is profited, even it thy understanding does not perceive the fruit of the profit that comes from the letters, from the mere bare reading" [Origen, "Hom. XX in Josuam" 2, in J.A. Robinson's Origen's "Philocalia," p. 63).
It is obvious that here Origen does not understand II Tim. iii. 16, to teach that Scripture is inspired only because it is profitable, and that we are to determine its profitableness first and its inspiration therefrom; what he draws from the passage is that Scripture is profitable because it is inspired, and that though we may not see in any particular case how, or even that, it is profitable, we must still believe it to be profitable because it is inspired, i. e., obniously because it is given of God for that end. It seemed to be necesary to adduce at some length these passages from Origen, inasmuch as the partial adduction of one of them, alsone, by Dr. Cremer might prove misleading to the unwary reader. But there appears to be no need of multiplying passages from the other early expositors of II Tim. iii. 16, seeing that it is freely confessed that the exegetical tradition runs all in one groove. We may differ as to the wieght we allow to this fact; but surely as a piece of testimony corroborative of the meaning of the word derived from other considerations, it is worth noting that it has from the beginning been understood only in one was -- even by those, such as Origen and we may add Clement, who may not themselves be absolutely consistent in Preserving the point of view taught them in this passage.[73] The final test of the sense assigned to any word is, of course, derived from its fitness to the context in which it is found. And Dr. Cremer does not fail to urge with reference to 'theopneustos' in II Tim. iii. 16, that the meaning he assigns to it corresponds well with the context, expecially with the succeeding clauses; as well as, he adds, with the language elsewhere in the New Testament, as, for example, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where what Scripture says is spoken of as the utterance, the saying of the Holy Ghost, with which he would further compare even Acts xxviii. 25. That the words of Scripture are conceived, not only in Hebrews but throughout the New Testament, as the utterances of the Holy Ghost is obvious enough and not to be denied. But it is equally obvious that the ground of this conception is everywhere the ascription of these words to the Holy Ghost as their reponsible author: littera scripta manet and remains what it was when written, viz., the words of the writer. The fact that all Scripture is conceived as a body of Oracles and approached with awe as the utterances of God certainly does not in the east suggest that these utterances may not be described as God-given words or throw a preference for a interpretation of 'theopneustos' which would transmute it into an assertion that they are rather God-giving words. And the same may be said of the contextual argument. Naturally, if 'theopneustos' means "God-giving," it would as an epithet or predicate of Scripture serve very well to lay a foundation for declaring this "God- giving Scripture" also profitable, etc. But an equal foundation for this declaration is laid by the description ot it as "God-given." The passage just quoted from Origen will alone teach us this. All that can be said on this score for the new interpretation, therefore, is that it also could be made accordant with the context; and as much, and much more, can be said for the old. We leave the matter in this form, since obviously a detailed interpretation of the whole passage cannot be entered into here, but must be reserved for a later occasion. It may well suffice to say not that obviously no advantage can be claimed for the new interpretation from this point of view. The question is, after all, not what can the word be made to mean, but what does it mean; and the witness of its usage elsewhere, its form and mode of composition, and the sense given it by its readers from the first, supply here the primary evidence. Only if the sense thus commended to us were unsuitable to the context would we be justified in seeking further for a new interpretation -- thus demanded by the context. This can by no means be claimed in the present instance, and nothing can be demanded of us beyond showing that the more natural current sense of the word is accordant with the context. The result of our investigation would seem thus, certainly, to discredit the new interpretation of 'theopneustos' offered by Ewald and Cremer. From all points of approach alike we appear to be conducted to the conclusion that it is primarily expressive of the origination of Scripture, not of its nature and much less of its effects. What is 'theopneustos' is "God-breathed," produced by the creative breath of the Almighty. And Scripture is called 'theopneustos' in order to designate it as "God-breathed," the product of Divine spiration, the creation of that Spirit who is in all spheres of the Divine activity the executive of the Godhead. The traditional translation of the word by the Latin inspiratus a Deo is no doubt also discredited, it we are to take it at the foot of the letter. It does not express a breathing into the Scriptures by God. But the ordinary conception attached to it, whether among the Fathers or the Dognaticians, is in general vindicated. What it affirms is that the Scriptures owe their origin to an activity of God the Holy Ghost and are in the highest and truest sense His creation. It is on this foundation of Divine origin that all the high attributes of Scripture are built.


1. From "The Presbyterian and Reformed Review," v.XI, pp. 89-130.

2. The novelty of the view in question must not be pressed beyond measure. It was new view in the sense of the text, but, as we shall subsequently see, it was no invention of Prof. Cremer's, but was derived by him from Ewald.

3. That is at least to the eighth edition (1895), which is the last we have seen. The chief differences between the Herzog and "Lexicon" Articles are found at the beginning and end -- the latter being fuller at the beginning and the former at the end. The "Lexicon" article opens thus: "Theopneustos, -on, gifted with God's Spirit, breathing the Divine Spirit (but not, as Weiss still maintains = inspired by God). The term belongs only to Hellenistic and Ecclesiastical Greek, and as peculiar thereto is connected with expressions belonging to the sphere of heathen prophecy and mysteries, 'theophoros', 'theophoretos', 'theophoroumenos', 'theelatos', 'theokinetos', 'theodegmon', 'theodektor', 'theopropos', 'theomantis', 'theophron', 'theophradmon', 'theophrades', 'hentheos', 'enthousiastes', et al., to which Hellenistic Greek adds two new words, 'theopneustos' and 'theodidaktos', without, however, denoting what the others do -- an ecstatic state." The central core of the article then runs parallel in both forms. Nothing is added in the "Lexicon," except (in the later editions) immediately after the quotations from Nonnus this single sentence: "This usage in Nonnus shows just that it is not to be taken as = inspiratus, inspired by God but as = filled with God's Spirit and therefore radiating it." Then follows immediately the next sentence, precisely as in Herzog, with which the "Lexicon" article then runs parallel to the quotation from Origen, immediately after which it breaks off.

4. The contrast is between "gottlich begeistet" and "gottlich begeistert." The reference to Ewald is given in the "Lexicon": Jahrb.f. bibl. Wissenschaft, vii. 68. seq.; ix. 91 seq.

5. Of which the facts given by Cremer may for the present be taken as a fair conspectus, only adding that the word occurs not only in the editions of Plutarch, "De plac. phil.," v. 2, 3, but also in the printed text of the dependent document printed among Galen's works under the title of "Dehist. phil.," 106.

6. Cf. Mahaffy, "History of Greek Literature" (American ed.), i 188, note 1.

7. "The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ," E. T., II, iii. 286, whence the account given in the text is derived.

8. See his "Gesammelte Abhandlungen, " edited by Usener in 1885. Usener's Preface should be also consulted.

9. So Harnack, "Theologische Literaturzeitung," 1885, No. 7, p. 160: also, J. R. Harris, "The Teaching of the Apostles and the Sibylline Books" (Cambridge, 1888): both give internal evidences of the Christian origin of the book. Cf. what we have said in "The Andover Review" for August, 1886, p. 219.

10. Oxford 8vo edition, 1795-1830, Vol. iv, ii. 650.

11. As by Diels in his "Doxographi Graci," p. 15: fuit scilicet 'theopemptous', quod sero intellectum est a Wyttenbachio in indice Plutarcheo. si Galenum inspexissit, ipsum illud 'theopemptous' enventurus erat." But Diels' presentation of Galen was scarcely open to Wyttenbach's inspection: and the editions then extant read 'theopneustous' as Corsini rightly tells us.

12. "Plutarchi de Physicis Philosophorum Decretis," ed. Chr. Dan. Beckius, Leipzig, 1787.

13. Tubingen, 1791-1804, Vol. XII (1800), p. 467.

14. "Plutarchi de Placitis Philosophorum Libb. v." (Florentiae, 1750).

15. A very clear account of Diels' main conclusions is given by Franz Susemigl in his "Geschichte der Griechischen Literatur in der Alexandrinerzeit" (Leipzig, 1891-1892), ii. pp. 250, 251, as well as in Bursian's "Jahresbericht" for 1881 (VII, i. 289 seq.). A somewhat less flattering notice by Max Heinze appears in Bursian for 1880, p. 3 seq.

16. Cf. the remarks of Max Heinze as above.

17. It would be possible to hold, of course, that Athenagoras used not the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch, but the hypothetical Aetios, of which Diels considers the former an excerpt: but Diels does not himself so judge: "anceps est quaestio utrum excerpserit Athenagoras Plutarchi Placita an maius illud opus, cuius illa est epitome. illus mihi probatur, hoc R. Volkmanno "Leben Plut.,' i .169...." (p. 51).

18. The relation of the Psuedo-Galen to the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch Diels expresses thus: "Alter liber quo duce ex generali physicorum tanquam promulside ad largiorem dapam Galenus traducit est 'Plutarchus de Placidis philosophorum physicis.' Unde cum in prioribus pauca suspensa manu ut condimentum adspersa sint (c. 5, 20, 21), jam a c. 25 ad finem Plutarchus ita regnat, nihil aliud ut praeterea adscitum esse appareat ... ergo foedioribus Byzantiorum soloecismis amputatis hanc partem ad codicum fidem descripsimus, non nullis Plutarcheae emendationis auxilium, pluribus fortasse humanae perversitatis insigne testimonium" (pp. 252, 253).

19. Plutarch's, pp. 267 seq.; Galen's, pp. 595 seq.

20. Plutarch's "Ep.," v. 2, 3 (p. 416); Galen's "Hist. Phil.," 106 (p. 640).

21. For Bernardakis reads 'theopneustous' in his text (Teubner series, Plutarch's "Moralia," v. 351), recognizing at the same time in a note that the reading of Galen is 'theopemptous'.

22. In Pauly's "Real-Encyclopaedie," new ed., s. v.

23. It is not meant, of course, that Diels was the first to deny the tract to Plutarch. It has always been under suspicion. Wyttenbach, for example, rejects its Plutarchian claim with decision, and speaks of the tract in a tone of studied contempt, which is, indeed, reflected in the note already quoted from him, in the remark that we would not be justified in obtruding elegancies on a mere compiler. Cf. i. p. xli: "Porro, si quid hoc est, spurius liber utriusque nomine perperam fertur idem, Plutarchi qui dicitur De Philosophorum Placitis, Galeni Historia Philosophioe."

24. Diels does not think highly of this portion of Kuhn's edition: "Kuehnius, que prioribus sui corporis voluminibus manum subinde admovit quamvis parum felicem, postremo urgenti typothetae ne inspectas quidem Charterianae plagulas typis discribendas tradidisse fertur. neque aliter explicari potest, quod editio ambitiose suscepta tam misere absoluta est" (p. 241, 2).

25. Though Diels informs us that the editors have made very little effort to ascertain the readings of the MSS.

26. "Ex archetypo haud vetusto eodemque mendosissimo quattuor exempla transcripta esse, ac fidelius quidem Laur. A, peritius sed interpolate Laur. B." (p. 241).

27. Diels' language is: "dolendum sane est libri condicionem tam esse desperatam ut etiam Plutarcheo archetypo comparato haud semel plane incertus haereas, quid sibi velit compilator" (p. 12).

28. "Verum quamvis sit summa opus cautione ne ventosi nebulonis commenta pro sincera memoria amplexemur, inest tamen in Galeno optimarum lectionum paene intactus thesaurus" (p. 13).

29. "Codices manu scripti quotquot noti sunt ex archetypo circa millesimum annum scripto deducti sunt" (p. 33). "duo autem sunt recensendi Plutarchi instrumenta ... unum recentius ex codicis petendum, inter quos A B C archetypo proximos ex ceterorum turba segregavi ... alterum genus est excerptorum ..." (p. 42).

30. The readings of A are drawn from a collation of it with the Frankfort edition of 1620 published by C. F. Matthaei in his "Lectiones Mosquenses." In a number of important readings, the MS. has been reinspected for Diels by Voelkel with the result of throwing some doubt on the completeness of Matthaei's collation. Accordingly the MS. is cited in parenthesis whenever it is cited e silentio (see Diels, p. 33).

31. The general use of 'theopemptos' is illustrated in the Lexicons, by the citation of Arist., "Ethic. Nic.," i. 9, 3, where happiness is spoken of as 'theopemptos' in contrast to the attainment of virtue in effort; Longinus, c. 34, where we read of 'theopempta tina doremata' in contrast with 'anthropina'; Themist, "Or." 13, p. 178 D, where 'ho Th. neanios' is found; Dion. Hal., T. 14. Liddell and Scott quote for the secondary sense of "Extraordinary," Longus, 3, 18; Artem., i. 7.

32. Arist., de divinat, 2 p. 463b 13: 'holos d'epei kai ton allon zoon oneirottei tina, theopempta men ouk an eie ta enupnia, oude gegone toutou charin, daimonia mentoi. He gar phusis daimonia, all' ou theia'.

33. Cf. Philo's tract 'peri tou theopemptous einai tous oneirous' (Mangey., i. 620). Its opening words run (Yonge's translation, ii. 292): "The treatise before this one has contained our opinions as to those of 'ton oneiron theopempton' classed in the first species ... which are defined as dreams in which the Deity sends the appearances beheld in dreams according to his own suggestion ('to theion kata ten idian upoboles tas en tois hupnois epipempein phantasias'), "whereas this later treatise is to discuss the second species of dreams, in which, "our mind being moved along with that of the universe, has seemed to be hurried away from itself and to be God-borne ('theophoreisthai') so as to be capable of preapprehension and foreknowledge of the future." Cf. also section 22, 'tes thepemptou phantasias': section 33, 'theopemptous oneirous': ii. section 1, 'ton theopempton oneiron'. The superficial parallelism of Philo with what is cited from Herophilus is close enough fully to account for a scribe harking back to Philo's language -- or even for the compiler of the Pseudo-Galen doing so.

34. "Clementine Homilies," xvii. 15: "And Simon said: 'If you maintain that apparitions do not always reveal the truth, yet for all that visions and dreams, being God-sent ('ta horamata kai ta enupnia theopempta onta ou pseudetai') do not speak falsely in regard to those matters which they wish to tell." And Peter said: 'You were right in saying that, being God-sent, they do not speak falsely ('theopempta onta ou pseudetai). But it is uncertain if he who sees has seen a God-sent dream ('ei ho idon theopempton eoraken oneiron')." What has come to the "Clementine Homilies" is surely already a Christian commonplace.

35. The immediately preceding paragraph in the Pseudo-Galen (Section 105), corresponding with [Pseudo?-]Plutarch, v. i. 1, 2.3 is edited by Diels thus: 'Platon kai oi Stoikoi ten mantiken eisagousi. kai gar theopempton einai, hoper estin entheastikon kai kata to theiotaton tes psuces, hoper estin enthousiastikon, kai to oneiropulikon kai to astronomikon kai to orneoskopikon. *enophanes kai epikouros anairousi ten mantiken. Puthagoras de monon to thutikon ouk egkrinei. Aristoteles kai dikaiarchos tous tous oneirous eisagousin, athanaton men ten psuchen ou nomizontes, theiou de tinos metechein.' Surely the scribe or compiler who could transmute the section 'peri mantikes' in the [Pseudo?-] Plutarch into this, with its intruded 'theopempton' before him and its allusion to Aristotle on dreams, might be credited without much rashness with the intrusion of 'theopemptous' into the next section.

36. Cf. in general E. Thramer. Hastings ERE, VI, p. 542.

37. It is duly recorded in Boeckh, "Corpus Inscript. Graec," 4700 b. (Add. iii). It is also printed by Kaibel, "Epigrammata Graeca" (Berlin, 1878), p. 428, but not as a Christian inscription, but under the head of "Epigrammata dedicatoria: V. proscynemata."

38. Porphyry: "Ant. Nymph.," 116: 'hegounto gar prosizanein to hudati tas phuchas theopnoo onti, hos phesin ho Noumenios. dia touto legon kai ton propheten eirekenai, empheresthai epano tou hudatos theou pneuma'--a passage remarkable for containing and appeal to Moses (Gen. i. 5) by a heathen sage. "God-breathed water" is rendered by Holstenius: "aquae quae divino spiritu foveretur"; by Gesnerus: "aquae divinitus afflatae"; by Thomas Taylor: "water which is inspired by divinity." Pisid. "Hexaem.," 1489: 'e theopnous akrotes' (quoted unverifed from Hase- Dindorf's Stephens). The Christian usage is illustrated by the following citations, taken from Sophocles: Hermes Tris., "Poem," 17.14: 'tes aletheias'; Anastasius of Sinai, Migne, 89. 1169 A: Those who do not have the love of God, "these, having a diabolical will and doing the desires of their flesh, 'paraitountai hos poneron to theomoion, dai theoktiston, kai theomoion tes noeras kai theocharaktou hemon phuches homologein en Christo, kai ten zoopoion autes kai sustatiken theopnoun energeian."

39. 'pneumatophoros' and 'pneumatophoreisthai' are pre-Christian Jewish words, already used in the LXX. (Hos. ix. 7, Zeph. iii. 4, Jer. ii. 24). Compounds of 'theos' found in the LXX. are 'theoktistos', II Macc. vi. 23; 'theopmachein', II Macc. vii. 19 ['theomachos Sm., Job xxvi. 5, et al.]; 'theosebeia', Gen. xx. 11 et al.; 'theosebes Ex. xviii. 21 et al.

40. No derivative of 'christos' except 'christianos' is found in the New Testament. The compounds are purely Patristic. See Lighfoot's note on Ignatious, Eph. ix; Phil. viii and the note in Migne's "Pat. Graec.," xi. 1861, at Adamantii "Dialogus de recta fide," Section 5.

41. In the Hase-Dindorf Stephens, sub-voc. 'Theopneustos', the passage, from the [Psuedo?-] Plutarch is given within square brackets in this form: ["Plut. Mor. p. 904F: 'tous oneirous thous theoploutous']." What is to be made of this new reading, we do not know. One wonders whether it is a new conjecture or a misprint. No earlier reference is given for 'theoploutos' in the "Thesaurus" than chrysostom: "Ita Jobum appellat Jo. Chrystom, Vol. iv, p. 297, Suicer." Sophocles cites also Anast. Sinai. for the word: Hexaemeron XII ad fin. (Migne, 1076 D., Vol. 89): 'hopos touto katabalon en tais psuchais trapezison son arron se di' auton ten theoplouton kataplouteso'.

42. So it may be confidently infered from the summary of what we know of Herophilus given in Susemigl's "Geschichte der Greichisch. Literatur in d. Alexandrinerzeit," Vol. i, p. 792, or from Marx's "De Herophili ... vita scriptis atque in medicina mentis" (Gottingen, 1840), p. 38. In both cases Herophilus' doctrine of dreams is gathered solely from our excerpts -- in the case of Susemihl from "Aetius" and in the case of Marx primarily from Galen with the support of Plutarch.

43. Loc. cit.

44. In the common text the passage goes on to tell us of the dreams of mixed nature, i. e., presumable partly divine and partly human in origin. But the idea itself seems incongruous and the description does not very well fit the category. Diels, therefore, conjectures 'pneumatikous' in its place in which case there are three categories in the enumeration: Theopneustic, physical (i. e., the product of the 'psuche' or lower nature), and pheumatic, or the product of the higher nature. The whole passage in Diels' recension runs as follows: Aet. 'Plac.,' p. 416 (Pseudo-Plut., v. 2, 3): 'Hrophilos ton oneiron tous men theopemptous kat' anagken ginesthai, tous de phusikous aneidolopoioumenes psuches to sumpheron aute kai to pantos esomenon, tous de sugkramatikous [pneumatikous ? Diels, but this is scarcely the right correction, cf. Susemigl, "Gesch. d. Gr. Lit.," etc. i. 792] ['ek tou automatou'] kat' eidolon prosptosin, hotan a boulometha blepomen, hos epi ton tas eromenas horonton en hupno genetai'."

45. V. 308 seq. The full text, in Rzach's edition, runs:

'Kume d' he mope sun namasin ois theopneustois En palamais atheon andron adikon kai athesmon Piphtheis ouk eti tisson es aithera rema prodosei. Alla menei nekre eni namasi kumaioisin.'

46. Strabo, "Rerum Geographicarum," liber XIII, III. 6, pp. 622, 623 (Amsterdam ed., 1707, p. 924). A good summary may be read in Smith's "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography," i. 724, 725.

47. Alexandre translates "plenis numine lymphis"; Dr. Terry, "inspired streams."

48. So Herodotus observes (i, 157).

49. V. 408 seq. In Rzach's text the lines run:

'Ou gar akedestos ainei theon aphanous ges oude petren poiese sophos tekton para toutois, ou chrison kosmou apaten psuchon t' esebasthe en thusiais egerair' hagiais kalais th' hekatoubais.'

50. In this second edition, Dr. Terry has altered this to "The Mighty Father, God of all things God-inspired": but this scarcely seems an improvement.

51. 'oude phobetheis athanaton genetera theon panton anthropon ouk etheles timan'. Rzach compares also Xenophon. "Fragn.," i. 1, M., 'e 'is theos en te theoisi kai anthropoisi megistos'.

52. Terry, Ed. 2: "the immortal Father, God of all mankind."

53. Recension A, Chap. xx. p. 103, ed. James.

54. Nonni Panopolitani "Paraphrasis in Joannem" (i. 27), in Migne, xliii. 753:

'Kai opisteros hostis hikanei Semeron humeion mesos histatai, ou podos akrou, Andromeen palamen ouk axios eimi pelassas, Dus*i mounon himanta theopneustoio pedilou'.

55. Op. cit., p. 756.

56. It is given in Kaibel's "Epigrammata Graeca," p. 477. Waddington supposes the person meant to be a certain Archbishop of Bostra, of date 457-474, an opponent of Origenism, who is commemorated in the Greek Church on June 13. The inscription runs as follows:

'Doxes] orthoto[n]ou tamies kai hupermachos esthlos, archierius theopneustos edeimato kallos ametron Antipatr]o[s] klutometis aethlophorous met' agonas, ku[d]ainon megalos theometora parthenon hagnen Marian poluumnon, akeraton aglaodoron'.

57. Wetstein cites the expression as applied (where, he does not say) to "Marcus AEgyptus," by which he means, we suppose, Marcus of Scetis, mentioned by Sozomen, H. E., vi. 29, and Nicephoeus Callistus, H. E., xi. 35. Dr. Cremer transmutes the designation into Marcus Eremita, who is mentioned by Nicephorus Callistus, H. E., xiv. 30, 54, and whose writings are collected in Migne, lxv. 905 seq. The two are often identified, but are separately entered in Smith and Wace.

58. That is doubtless the Jewish teacher to whom he elsewhere refers, as, e. g., "De Principiis," iv. 20 (Ante-Nicene Library. N.Y. ed., iv. 375), where the same general subject is discussed.

59. "Jahrb. f. bibl. Wissenschaft," vii. 114.

60. In a note on p. 89, Ewald adds as to 'theempneustos' that it is certainly true that such compounds are not common, and that this particular one does not occur: but that they are possible is shown by the occurrence of such examples as 'theosunaktos, theokataskeuastos', in which the preposition occurs: and dem Laute nach, the formation is like 'theelatos'. There seems to be no reason, we may add, why, if it were needed, we should not have had a 'theempneustos' by the side of 'theopneustos', just as by the side of 'pneumatophoros' we have 'pneumatemphoros' ("Etymologicum Magnum," 677, 28; John of Damascus, in Migne, 96, 837c. 'Ese propheton pneumatemphoron stoma').

61. For not even 'theempneo' would properly signify "breathe into" but rather "breathe in," "inhale." It is by a somewhat illogical extension of meaning that the verb and its derivatives ('empneusis', 'empnoia') are used in the theological sense of "inspiration," in which sense they do not occur, however, either in the LXX. or the New Testament. In the LXX. 'empneusis' means a "blast," a "blowing" (Ps. xvii. (xviii.) 15; cf. the participle 'empneon', Acts ix. 1); 'empneous', "living," "breathing" (II Macc. vii. 5, xiv. 45); and the participle 'pan empneon', "every living, breathing thing" (Deut. xx. 16; Josh. x. 28, 30, 35, 37, 39, 40; xi. 14; Wisd. xv. 11). 'Eispneo' is properly used by the classics in the sense of "breathing into," "inspiring": it is not found in itself or derivatives in LXX. or the New Testament -- though it occurs in Aq. at Ex. i. 5. How easily and in what a full sense, however, 'empneo' is used by ecclesiastical writers for "inspire" may be notted from such examples as ign. "ad Mag.," 8: "For the divine ('theiotatoi') prophets lived after Christ; for this cause also they were persecuted, being inspired by His grace ('emneomenoi hupo tes charitos autou') for the full persuasion of those that are disobedient." Theoph. of Antioch, "ad. Autol.," ii. 9: "Butt he men of God, 'pneumatophoroi' of the Holy Ghost, and becoming prophets 'hup' autou tou theou empneusthentes kai sophisthentes', became 'theodidaktoi' and holy and righteous." The most natural term for "inspired" in classic Greek one would be apt to think, would be 'entheos' ('enthous'), with 'to entheon' for "inspiration"; and after it, participial or other derivatives of 'enthousiazo': but both 'eispneo' and 'empneo' were used for the "inspiration" that consisted of "breathing into" even in profane Greek.

62. P. 88.

63. "Geschichte des Volkes Israel," vi. 245, note.

64. "Jahrb. f. bibl. Wissenschaft," ix. 91.

65. Sec. 16, 2, p. 135. Cf. Thayer's Viner, p. 96; Moulton's, p. 120. Also Thayer's Buttmann, p. 190. The best literature of the subject will be found adduced by Winer.

66. Compounds of '-pneustos' do not appear to be very common. Liddell and Scott (ed. 6) do not record either 'ana-' or 'dia-' or 'epi-' or even 'eu-'; though the cognates are recorded, and further compounds presupposing them. The rare word 'eupneustos' might equally well express "breathing-well" quasi-actively, or "well-aired" passively; just as 'apneustos' is actually used in the two senses of "breathless' and "unventilated": and a similar double sense belongs to 'dusanapneustos'. 'Empneustos' does not seem to occur in a higher sense; its only recorded usage is illustrated by Athenaeus, iv. 174, where it is connected with 'organa' in the sense of wind-instruments: its cognates are used of "inspiration." Only 'puripneustos' = 'puripnoos' = "fire-breathing" is distinctively active in usage: cf. 'anapneustos', poetic for 'apneustos' = "breathless."

67. Two fundamental ideas, lying at the root of all their thinking of Scripture, seem to have colored somewhat their dealing with this term: the old Lutheran doctrine of the Word of God, and the modern rationalizing doctrine of the nature of the Divine influence exerted in the procuction of Scripture. On account of the latter point of view they seem setermined not to find in Scripture itself any declaration that will shut them up to "a Philonian conseption of Scripture" as the Oracles of God -- the very utterances of the Most High. By the former they seem predisposed to discover in it declaraions of the wonder-working power of the Word. The reader cannot avoid becoming aware of the influence of both these dogmatic conceptions in both Ewald's and Cremer's dealing with 'theopneustos'. But it is not necessary to lay stress on this.

68. "Jahrb. f. bibl. Wissenschaft," vii. 88, 114.

69. "Geschichte des Volkes Israel," i. 245, note.

70. "Jahrb.," etc., ix. 92.

71. "Die Pastoralbriefe" u. s. w., p. 163.

72. For the implications of the term 'pheromenoi' here (as distinguished from 'agomenoi') consult the fruitful discussion of the words in Schmidt's "Synonymik."

73. Cf. Prof. Schulze, loc. cit.: "Further, it should not be lost sight of (and Dr. Cremer does not do so) how the Church in its defenders has understood this word. There can be no doubt that in the conflict with Montanism, the traditional doctrine of theopneusty was grounded in the conception of 'thepneustos', but never that of the Scriptures breathing out the Spirit of God. The passage with Cremer adduces from Origen gives no interpretation of this word, but only points to a quality of Scripture consequent on their divine origination by the Holy Spirit: and elsewhere when he adduces the rule of faith, the words run, quod per spiritum dei sacrae scripturae conscriptae sunt, or a verbo dei et spirita dei dictae sunt: just as Clem. Alex. also, when, in Coh. 71, he is commenting on the Pauline passage, takes the word in the usual way, and yet, like Origen, makes an inference from the God-likeness (as 'theopoiein') in Plato's manner, from the whole passage--though not deriving it from the word itself. For the use of the word in Origen, we need to note: Sel. in Ps., ii. 527; Hom. in Joh., vi. 134, Ed. de la R."